{From Camel Trader to Warlord: The Rise of a Man Who Now Dominates Fifty Percent of Sudan

The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, previously made his fortune dealing in livestock and precious metals. Now, his RSF militia hold sway over around 50% of the Sudanese territory.

Seizing Power in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a notable victory by capturing the city of al-Fasher, which was the final army garrison in the Darfur area.

Hated and dreaded by his adversaries, Hemedti is admired by his loyalists for his determination and his promise to dismantle the corrupt state.

Modest Origins

Hemedti's origins are modest. He hails from the Mahariya clan of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arabic-speaking group that spans Chad and Darfur.

Born around 1974, as is common in remote regions, his exact birth details were not officially registered.

Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan relocated to Darfur in the late 20th century, escaping war and in search of greener pastures.

Early Career

Dropping out of education in his early teens, Hemedti started making money by trading camels across the Sahara to Libya and Egypt.

At that time, Darfur was a lawless frontier—impoverished, neglected by the regime of then-President Omar al-Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjaweed raided villages of the indigenous Fur, triggering a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

As a countermeasure, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to spearhead his counter-insurgency campaign. They quickly gained notoriety for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's force was part of this, implicated in attacking the village of Adwah in late 2004, killing over a hundred individuals, among them 36 children.

A US investigation concluded that the Janjaweed were guilty of genocide.

Strategic Maneuvering

In the years following the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his rise to become head of a powerful paramilitary force, a business network, and a political machine.

He briefly mutinied, demanding back-pay for his fighters, advancements, and a political position for his brother. Bashir granted most of his demands.

Subsequently, when rival militias rebelled, Hemedti commanded government forces that defeated them, taking over Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jabel Amir.

Rapidly, his family company al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

Institutionalizing Influence

By 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as head of the newly formed Rapid Support Forces, answering only to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, getting modern equipment and training.

International Connections

The RSF fought in Darfur, performed less successfully in the Nuba region, and took on a role to guard the border with Libya.

Supposedly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's commanders also engaged in corruption and human smuggling.

In 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE asked Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide RSF mercenaries.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved highly significant, beginning a close relationship with UAE officials.

Growing Power

Young Sudanese men flocked to RSF enlistment offices for cash payments of up to $6,000.

Hemedti struck a partnership with the Russian Wagner organization, receiving training in exchange for business arrangements, including in the gold trade.

He visited Moscow occurred on the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Turning on Allies

As protests grew, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, nicknaming him himayti.

It was a miscalculation. In 2019, when demonstrators called for change, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the generals deposed him.

Initially, Hemedti was hailed as a new leader for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but this was short-lived.

Renewed Brutality

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti deployed his forces, which killed hundreds, assaulted females, and reportedly executed men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF committed atrocities.

Pressed by international powers, the generals and civilians reached a deal, leading to an unstable coexistence for two years.

Current Conflict

When a committee started looking into military-owned companies, the two generals ousted the government and took control.

But they fell out. Burhan demanded the RSF come under army command. Hemedti resisted.

In April 2023, RSF units attempted to seize key bases in the capital. The attempted putsch was unsuccessful, and fighting erupted across the city.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit community.

The UN estimates up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the American officials calling it genocide.

Current Status

The RSF has acquired modern weapons, including military drones, deployed against Burhan's stronghold and crucial in the capture of al-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a deadlock with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has created a parallel government, the so-called unity government, appointing himself leader.

With the capture of el-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of inhabited territory in western Sudan.

After allegations of atrocities, Hemedti declared an investigation into abuses perpetrated by his fighters.

Many believe Hemedti sees himself as president of a breakaway state or aspires to rule all of Sudan.

Alternatively, he may emerge as a political puppet master, controlling businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

While Hemedti's forces commit violence in al-Fasher, he appears confident of avoiding consequences in a world that does not care.

Nicholas Marsh
Nicholas Marsh

A tech enthusiast and business analyst passionate about sharing insights on innovation and digital transformation.